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Posts Tagged ‘Morarji Desai

At 8-30 PM on January 18, 1977, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi announced over All India Radio – first in Hindi and then in English – that she had requested the President to dissolve the Lok Sabha and order elections, possibly in March. In her broadcast to the nation, she listed the gains of Emergency and said that the restrictions (imposed with the promulgation of Emergency on June 25, 1975) would be ‘relaxed’ to allow political parties to campaign. Two days later Minister of Information and Broadcasting V C Shukla announced the government’s decision not to enforce the censorship (on newspapers).

Though such a move by Indira Gandhi has been in the air for some time, the Opposition leaders were taken by surprise by the timing. Some of them were still in jails. They had launched an agitation against Indira Gandhi under the leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan. The agitation was intensified after the Allahabad High Court judgement in mid-June disqualifying Indira Gandhi. They were all put in jails with the announcement of Emergency.

On January 20, leaders of Congress (O), Jana Sangh, Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD) and Socialist Party (SP) took stock of the situation and agreed to contest the elections in the name of Janata Party. ‘The process of merger’, they decided, would continue ‘till after the elections’. It was a conglomeration of disparate parties, abhorrent of each other in normal times, but brought together by Indira Gandhi’s Emergency rule.

However, the people were not enthused to the extent the Opposition leaders were expecting. There were those who had seen the ‘gains’ of Emergency; some others were impressed by the leadership qualities of Indira Gandhi and favoured giving her another chance. A friend of mine, who was a fiery critic of Indira Gandhi and frequently brought me the banned literature during the Emergency, remarked that he had now nothing to say against Indira Gandhi and that he did not think the Opposition parties would be able to stay together even if they won the elections. Most important was the feeling of fear, generated among people by Indira/Sanjay Gandhi’s highhanded methods during the Emergency. Those who wanted to vote against Indira Gandhi’s Congress were apprehensive about being victimised if she came back to power. People did not discuss politics or elections in public places and talked to trusted friends only when no stranger was around.

Some change – though very minor, and that, too, among the educated class – was perceptible after January 28. Justice A N Ray had retired as Chief Justice of India on January 28 and M H Beg had succeeded him by superseding H R Khanna who was senior to Beg. In protest Justice Khanna had resigned. During the Emergency no judge would have taken such a risk. There was an impressive crowd at Ram Lila Grounds where Janata Party held its first election meeting on January 30. Chairman of Janata Party Morarji Desai presided, though the main attraction was Atal Behari Vajpayee.

Jagjivan Ram factor

Jagjivan Ram resigned from the cabinet and the Congress on February 2 and formed a new party called Congress For Democracy (CFD) along with Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna and Nandini Satpathy. That changed the atmosphere dramatically as it conveyed the message to the people that Indira Gandhi’s Congress was now a sinking ship. Janata Party’s meetings started swelling in contrast to the crowds in Congress meetings. Indira Gandhi inaugurated her party’s election campaign at Ram Lila Grounds on February 5. Originally it was to be inaugurated by Sanjay Gandhi but Jagjivan Ram’s resignation had obviously pushed him into the background. The meeting was thinly attended. Even those present were not in a mood to listen to Congress leaders. Indira Gandhi had to cut short her speech abruptly as the people were leaving. The next day the same Ram Lila Grounds was overflowing with people come to listen to Jayaprakash Narayan and Jagjivan ram. The BBC, in its 9-30 PM Hindi bulletin called it ominous for Mrs Gandhi. The rest is history.

Narendra Modi today is in the position in which Indira Gandhi was in January 1977. The difference is that he is more powerful than Indira Gandhi then was, more unscrupulous, more devoid of ethics and morality, more ruthless in misusing police agencies against his critics and more megalomaniac. He has a knack for manipulating elections the way Indira Gandhi could never do – even by getting inserted in voters’ lists fake voters in large numbers. In 2014, he was elected from Varanasi Lok Sabha constituency by a margin of 3, 71,784 votes over his nearest rival Arvind Kejriwal of AAP. When a routine revision of the voters’ lists was held by Election Commission in November 2014, over 6.47 lakh fake voters were detected in the lists.

The Opposition parties, the main pillars of a democracy, are in a worse shape than in 1977. They are more apprehensive of each other’s moves than trying to work out an effective strategy to check Modi’s authoritarianism. They need a Jayaprakash Narayan to unite them for a common cause and a Jagjivan ram to push Modi to the defensive. Both appear a distant dream as of today.

Karia Munda, 78, is a tribal, simple man, firmly rooted in what the Sangh Parivar likes to describe as ‘Bharat’ as contrasted to ‘India’. He has contributed immensely to the BJP’s acceptability among the tribals of what was then south Bihar and is now Jharkhand. He was first elected to Lok Sabha from Khunti constituency (near Ranchi) in 1977 and has since been a member of Lok Sabha except for a couple of terms when he was elected to Bihar/Jharkhand State Assembly.

He was a Minister of State in Morarji Desai’s Janata Party government formed in 1977. He held important portfolios with the Cabinet rank in the Atal Behari Vajpayee’s government. Besides, he headed or was a member of several parliamentary committees, in addition to holding important positions in the party organisation.

During the UPA-II government which was formed in 2009, Munda became Deputy Speaker of Lok Sabha and the BJP appeared to be quite satisfied with his performance.

However, with the thumping majority in Lok Sabha at its command, BJP preferred a high profile upper caste person to an agriculture-loving tribal for the post of Speaker of Lok Sabha. Nor did he get a place in the new Council of Ministers. Lobbying and bootlicking is not in Munda’s nature. I cannot claim a close acquaintance with him but have seen his life-style during my posting in Ranchi.

Whether as a Member of Parliament or a Minister in the Union Government or, later, Deputy Speaker of Lok Sabha, Munda always kept himself away from the corridors of power which have virtually become the corridors of corruption. He still lives in a mud hut in his village Anigara.

Can you imagine how he spends his time when he is not attending to his parliamentary or ministerial duties in Delhi? He goes back to his village, ploughs the fields and clears the weeds and shrubs. Also attends to the problems of the people in his constituency. His assets (according to his poll affidavits) were worth Rs 59 lakh in 2009, which increased to Rs 75 lakh in 2014. He never had guards at his Anigara house.


May 2024
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