ndsharma's blog

Posts Tagged ‘Lal Krishna Advani

While Congress President Mallikarjun Khadge and other party leaders were congratulating veteran BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani for the announcement that it had been decided to confer the country’s highest civilian award, Bharat Ratna, on him, the Congress leader of Opposition in Madhya Pradesh Assembly Umang Singhar wondered how Advani had been chosen for the award of Bharat Ratna. He asked what Advani had done to deserve the Bharat Ratna. He said that the country “has not forgotten the religious frenzy” Advani had created in the country while taking out his Rath-Yatra which ultimately resulted in the destruction of Babri Masjid and killing of several hundred persons.

This is not the first time that the Congress has spoken in different voices. Its two-minded approach to important issues was better seen by its taking too much time to make its decision on the Ayodhya issue. A formal invitation was sent to Congress to attend the “inauguration” of the Ayodhya temple. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat were among the five persons who were allowed to be present in the sanctum sanctorum when the Ram temple was “sanctified” and declared formally open for the public.

From the declaration of the date of its inauguration to allowing the public to have the “darshan” of the “Ram Lala” (questions have been raised why an idol of child Ram has been installed there instead of grown up Ram) Congress has been most of the time in two minds. It was only a few day before the inauguration that the Congress leadership decided that the party should not participate in Ayodhya function. By that time many Congressmen had made up their minds. Some Congress leaders from Gujarat had openly communicated to the High Command that they would attend the Ayodhya function.

Addressing a rally in Bhubaneswar, Congress President Mallikarjun Khadge was said to have observed: “Like (Vladimir) Putin’s presidential election in Russia… the same will happen in India. There will be no election (after the coming one, if the BJP is voted to power)… they will use their might to rule the country… they will get elected and get 200, 300, 400 and 500 (seats)…” What is Congress party’s policy towards Russia? For all these years the Congress party has been a close friend of Russia knowing fully well that Russia (earlier a Soviet Union) did not have an India-type democracy while India was always sceptical about the intentions of America. Is there now a change in India’s perception of Russia? When did this occur? Why has it not been made public so far?

Congress has been in two minds ever since Sonia Gandhi became its President. It mobilised the partymen all over the country as had not been witnessed over several decades while collecting more than six crore signatures seeking paliammentary inquiry into what is known as “coffin scam” (in the armed forces). George Fernandes, who was then the Defence Minister, had literally gone mad while abusing Sonia Gandhi. Then about the date taken from the President for submission of the demand and signatures, Sonia Gandhi “accepted” then Prime Minister Atal BeGeorgehari Vajpayee’s invitation to go to America for givining an address. A senior functionary of the Congress office in Delhi took a few truck loads of signatures to the President. A few newspapers tucked a news item in a couple of paragraphs on inside pages. A geat anti-climax of Independent India. That, indcidentally, is not the only instance of Sonia Gandhi’s un-statesman and un-politician like behaviour.

Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan is a glib talker. He conveniently refuses reference to his past lest the people should make demands. Recently his Government has released full page advertisements in several Madhya Pradesh newspapers saying what his Government has done in the state in the past three years. Three years!! Yes, what he claims. The period before three years he wants the people to forget — and not remember 700 and odd promises he had made to the people of the State.

This is an old trick of Chouhan. Like “1984” (a novel) of George Orwell, where a person became “unperson” when his memory was erased from the records and mention of his name became a crime. A similar feat, in real life, was performed by the BJP top brass by making the BJP rule as “unBJP” rule. The occasion was the celebration of Gaurav Divas on the completion of five years of Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s BJP government in Madhya Pradesh on November 29,2005.The people remember the BJP having come to power in Madhya Pradesh on December 8, 2003 with Uma Bharti as the Chief Minister. After she resigned in the wake of a criminal case against her in a Hubli court, Babulal Gaur became Chief Minister on August 23, 2004. A year or so later Gaur was suddenly asked to resign and Chouhan was sworn in as Chief Minister on November 29, 2005. All the top leaders, Nitin Gadkari, Lal Krishna Advani, Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley, Ananth Kumar, Venkaiah Naidu and Rajnath Singh, were present on different occasions and addressed the bash without mentioning the earlier Chief Ministers.  Does it mean that the party high command recognised only five years of the BJP rule and considered the December 2003-November 2005 period as the ‘unBJP’ rule, George Orwell style? In bashes held periodically during December 2003-November 2005 the BJP rule was “unmentioned”.

Chouhan planned an “investors’ meet” soon after becoming the Chief Minister with a view to (as he publicly claimed) inviting the industrialists from India and abroad to invest in Madhya Pradesh. He is not the man to worry about the futility of such meets (in the absence of infrastructure and proper atmosphere in the State). He is happy so long as such exercises keep him, and his favourite bureaucrats, “occupied” at home and occasionally abroad at public expense, away from the drudgeries of the day-to-day problems.

Then Leader of Opposition in the Madhya Pradesh Assembly  the late Jamuna Devi had computed that the BJP Government had signed, since 2005, as many as 21 MoUs but only two of the signatories had taken some interest in exploring the feasibility of setting up their industries in the State. The investors’ meets, sometimes called the NRIs meet, or the global investors meet or the buyer-seller meet, have been held at different places in the State, including Bhopal, Indore, Gwalior, Jabalpur and Khajuraho (the last has been the venue of several such meets). The official delegations led by the Chief Minister had during this period been to several countries.

Chouhan extracted promises of investments worth lakhs of crores of rupees. His delegation spent a whole day signing MoUs with prospective investors, from India and abroad, at Khajuraho; the areas covered were power, textile, food processing, information technology, education, and bio-fuel. Later he announced that the number of the investors present at the three-day meet easily gave the idea that Madhya Pradesh was becoming a priority State for investment for the large number of Indians settled abroad. He had boasted that Madhya Pradesh would soon leave the “allegedly” investor-friendly States like Karnataka, Rajasthan, Bihar and even Gujarat far behind in the matter of investment. (The State had received proposals at the Khajuraho meet worth Rs 39, 334 crore).
Some time later MoUs worth Rs 88,018 crore were signed at Gwalior, mainly in the fields of industry, energy, food processing, information technology and higher education. Chouhan had given to Indore meet the name of global investors meet and the MoUs worth Rs 61,900 crore were signed there. Almost the same has been the story of every investors’ (or NRIs’ or buyer-sellers’) meet on which the State Government had been spending huge amounts. (Who says Sheikh Chilli is a fictional character?)

Some more of Chouhan’s unfulfilled promises include:  A bai would no more be called bai, but only ‘behen’ if she was younger in age or ‘didi’ if she was older. The bais will be issued photo identity cards and the Government will spend up to Rs 20,000 on treatment of a bai if she falls ill; this facility will be extended to her husband, son, daughter, mother-in-law, father-in-law and widowed or deserted daughter also.Free textbooks to their children up to the 12th class, in addition to monthly cash payment to the children. A bai will be entitled to 45 days’ maternity leave and the Government will pay her wages during this period. Besides, her husband will be entitled to 15 days’ paternity leave and the Government will pay his wages also. The bai will be paid Rs 1000 in cash for nutritious diet during maternity.  

The Chief Minister announced six week’s maternity leave to women and two weeks’ paternity leave to men working as agricultural labourers (their wages to be paid by the Government). Several other promises, similar to those for dais, were also made for agricultural labourers. Chouhan’s other promises include review and revision of labour laws, among other things, to help the industrialists; take initiatives for the education and economic and social rehabilitation of the disabled; 11 schemes for the poor belonging to the general category; His Government intended to use the modern techniques for increasing fish production; If a fisherman fell ill, the Government would spend on his treatment Rs 30,000 —- even more if necessary: special budget for women on the pattern of dalits and dais; As many as 35 promises he made for welfare of the kisans. Many many more promises for making the State “ideal” in the country.All that he now wants the people to forget this.

 “We, the people of India”, adopted a Constitution to ensure Justice, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity to all citizens of the country. But in the past, “the people” have been pushed aside by the “we”, a small percentage of persons who have the resources and have mastered the art of grabbing power by hook or by crook. The country has no doubt made tremendous progress in the past six decades but the fruits of the progress have been cornered by the this small percentage of people with crumbs occasionally thrown to “the people”. If a provision of the Constitution came in the way, this small group did not hesitate in changing the provision. The Constitution has been amended more than 100 times and most of these amendments have been made to protect the interests of this elite group.

The amendment pertaining to the election to Rajya Sabha makes the dishonest designs of this small group clear. Rajya Sabha, as the name suggests, is a body of representatives of the States. Rajya Sabha is not subject to disso lution. One-third of its members retire every two years and the vacancies are filled by fresh elections. The members of the legislature of the State form the Electoral College for electing members of Rajya Sabha from that State. Each State has been provided the number of members it can send to Rajya Sabha.

Section 3 of the Representation of People Act had ordained that a candidate seeking a seat in Rajya Sabha should primarily be resident of the State from which he/she was trying to get elected. The idea was to make use, in the highest law-making body of the country, of the learning, intelligence and experience of such persons who, for some reason, could not or would not contest the election to the House of the People or Lok Sabha but who the members of the State legislature in their collective wisdom considered as eminently suitable to represent the State in Parliament.

All went well for about two decades. Then this institution, too, fell prey to the manipulations of the power brokers. The political parties, having requisite number of members in a State legislature, started sending to Rajya Sabha people for reasons other than their intelligence or commitment to public service and even persons from other States.  The domicile clause was flouted by manipulating the law — prospective candidate would register himself or herself as a voter in the State or buy or rent a House there. This was a clear violation of the law.

Frequent Violations

 When these violations became frequent, some public-spirited persons like Kuldip Nayar sought judicial intervention to put an end to this malpractice. As the things started getting hot for the beneficiaries of the malpractices, and they included top leaders of political parties, they, in their “collective wisdom”, decided to legitimise the malpractices by amending the Constitution and the Representation of People Act. It was done by the NDA government in August 2003 with the whole-hearted cooperation of the Congress. The amended Act made the contest for Rajya Sabha open for a person of any State from any state.

Eminent jurist Fali S. Nariman, while arguing in the Supreme Court against the amendment, had felt that the amendment would open the floodgates to big money bag owners and power brokers to descend upon the people of the small States and get elected to the Upper House. The amendment was, however, upheld by a constitution bench of Supreme Court; two of the judges on the bench later became controversial for indulging in corrupt practices.

The use of money power did not remain confined to getting elected to Rajya Sabha. It is so much evident in elections to Lok Sabha and Assemblies also. It has now percolated to even lower levels; the panchayat and municipality elections. Those who lose elections start crying about the use of money power and electoral malpractices; but when they win they completely forget this. The Bharatiya Janata Party is a pathetic example of this. Lal Krishna Advani, as the BJP president, was always vociferously demanding electoral reforms and a change in the 150-year-old Police Act. When he got the opportunity as the Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister for six years, he not even once remembered these things because the same corrupt electoral system and the anti-people attitude of the police had then suited him and his party. How present Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his Congress party had used money power to win the trust vote in Lok Sabha is only history.

The Chandigarh stalking incident has once again focussed attention on the working of the police which is still governed by a law enacted by the British more than 156 years ago. The daring of the victim and her family background (her father being an IAS officer) have made the incident a talking point all over the country, forcing the police to give up their intention to dismiss it as a minor incident.
The 29-year-old woman was going in her car when two persons in a car blocked her way, banged on her windows and even tried to force the door open. Finally, a police patrol team came, responding to her SOS. She duly lodged a complaint of attempt to abduct her with the criminal intention. One of the accused happened to be Vikas Barala, son of Haryana BJP president’s son.
As the son of a high profile ruling party leader was involved, the police diluted the charges with the result that Barala and his friend were granted bail within hours whereas the attempt to abduct is a more serious crime. The police also said that the CCTV cameras on the route were not functioning. That was till the victim, Varnika Kundu, created a ruckus. Following this, the police promptly ‘retrieved’ the CCTV cameras and even confirmed Varnika’s version of the incident.
Talks of reforming the police and making the force accountable to the society have been going on at various levels for decades but no one has made an honest attempt in this respect. The British rulers had enacted the Police Act of 1861 after the mutiny of 1857 to establish a police force which could be used to consolidate and perpetuate their rule in this country, by terrorising, oppressing and suppressing the natives if necessary. The tragedy was that the British, when they left the country, handed over the power not to the people of this country but to a bunch of politicians who soon saw the advantage of keeping the British-constituted police force intact for their own use. Little wonder that the Police Act of 1861 must be the only one, out of thousands of acts inherited by us from the colonial regime, which has not been amended even once so far.
The Congress was in power at the Centre and in the States most of the time after independence. That may be the reason why the Congress leaders scarcely felt the need for changing the Police Act. Opposition leaders occasionally raised their voice against the continuation of the Act, Ram Manohar Lohia being the most vocal of them. But the voice of the Opposition was much too feeble to make the ruling party to take notice.
In the 1980s, BJP president Lal Krishna Advani scarcely opened his mouth without demanding repeal or amendment of the Police Act of 1861. When he became Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister in the Atal Behari Vajpayee government, this hypocrite not only did not remember his oft-repeated demand but used the police force like the British had used it. Of all the persons, even Congress Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh Digvijaya Singh had started harping on the need to change the Police Act of 1861, but only when he had foreseen the rout of Congress at the close of his second term. He had himself used the police arbitrarily against his opponents. Narration of macabre rape of a hapless tribal woman or a grisly murder of a poor farmer never appeared to affect Digvijaya Singh who continued to smile or indulge in frolics, as those attending the Assembly sessions had observed all those years. Criticism of the working of the police had, however, been a different matter. The former raja of Raghogarh would promptly be on his feet urging the Speaker to expunge the remarks against the police. The chemistry of his complexion would change as he tried to defend the police.
The BJP’s Sunderlal Patwa made the same nefarious use of the police as his Congressi successor did later. Four persons were arrested by the Indore police for possessing heroin in 1991. The case against them was registered under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act (NDPSA), which makes the offence non-bailable. As it came to be known that one of the arrested persons was Ehsan, younger brother of Patwa’s smuggler-friend Mohd Shafi, the police tore ten pages of the Roznamcha and made fresh entries about the case in order to enable the four criminals to get bail. Patwa, instead of booking the police officers under Section 204 IPC, patted them on the back.

 

The BJP swept the February-March, 2017 Assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand. The instant reaction of BSP supremo Mayawati to her party’s miserable performance  in Uttar Pradesh was that Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) were manipulated. Soon the Samajwadi Party and AAP leaders joined Mayawati’s outcry. Even some Congress leaders in Uttarakhand also started talking about EVM manipulation. Meanwhile, a discussion on the fragmentation of non-BJP votes in Uttar Pradesh had also started (the BJP got so many seats with a vote share of less than 40 per cent while the combined vote share of BSP and SP was over 44 per cent plus six per cent of the Congress share).

The subject of EVM manipulation has been cropping up almost from the time EVMs were introduced.  A sort of campaign on this issue was launched by then Madhya Pradesh Congress President Suresh Pachouri after the 2008 Assembly elections which had returned BJP’s Shivraj Singh Chouhan for the second term. A distraught Pachouri had threatened to expose EVM manipulations with the help of his “friends in the UK and the US”.

Before Pachouri could carry out his threat, Lal Krishna Advani jumped in the fray after the BJP lost the 2009 Lok Sabha elections and his dream of becoming the Prime Minister was shattered. He demanded discontinuation of EVMs and going back to the printed ballot papers. Advani’s demand was supported by the leaders of various parties like the AIADMK, CPI (M), Janata Dal (S) and the Lok Janshakti Party. Advani had the support of a bureaucrat also. Former Delhi chief secretary Omesh Saigal had surfaced to claim that he knew a secret code in the EVM, through which the machine could be programmed to transfer every fifth vote to a particular candidate. Petitions were filed in courts on the fallibility of EVMs, one of the most vocal petitioners being BJP’s Kirit Somaiya.

There was so much noise in the country that the Election Commission felt it had to do something. In August 2009, the Commission randomly obtained 100 EVMs from 10 States (Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh). The Commission invited political leaders, petitioners and other critics of EVMs and also made the media announcement that the EVMs would be kept in the Commission office for a specified period and anyone could come and show how these machines could be manipulated. No one did. The EVM bogey, though, has one merit. It keeps occupied the politicians who have been defeated in the elections and have nothing else to do at the moment.

 

‘Gujarat Files: Anatomy of a Cover Up’ gives a succinct account of the Machiavellian ways of Narendra Modi and Amit Shah in the words of top IPS and IAS officers who were at the helm of affairs during the post-Godhra riots in Gujarat. Amit Shah, as Minister of State for Home, comes out as more of a bully. The 204-page book is authored by Rana Ayyub, then with Tehelka magazine but now working independently.

These officers spoke more or less candidly about the riots and fake encounters as they were under the impression that they were not talking to a journalist but to a young lady who was making a film on Gujarat for some American company. Rana had donned the identity of a film maker from America in 2010 with the help of a former colleague who had joined the American Film Institute Conservatory in Los Angeles. She spent some time studying the work of the Conservatory, changed her persona to the extent possible and assumed the name of Maithili Tyagi from Kanpur, and equipped herself with spy cameras — one fitted in her watch, another in her notebook and a third one in one of her kurtas. With the approval of her editors in Tehelka, she was now ready to descend on the unsuspecting bureaucrats in Gujarat.

Some of these officers willingly did what Chief Minister Modi expected them to do – eliminate those pointed out by Modi and Shah and/or turn a blind eye to the mayhem of Muslims by VHP activists. They were duly rewarded. Those who had suffered pangs of conscience and displayed reservations about carrying out the wishes of Modi and Shah had to suffer one way or the other.

Rana says Narendra Modi and Pravin Togadia were once synonymous with the growth of Hindutva in Gujarat. They used to attend RSS shakhas together in the same state. Togadia was a cancer surgeon who joined the VHP in 1983 and Modi, a full time Pracharak, was inducted into the BJP in 1984. When Keshubhai Patel was Chief Minister, both were in the core committee which took important decisions for the government.

From 1995 to 2001 when Modi was almost exiled from the state, he would spend most of his time in the VHP office as opposed to the BJP office where he was no longer welcome. Rana quotes reports to say that it was Lal Krishna Advani who convinced Togadia to bring Modi to Gujarat as Chief Minister in October 2001. Togadia agreed to the change and got his right-hand man Gordhan Zadaphia inducted as Minister of State for Home. Togadia had substantial say in postings of officers, many of whom played a dubious role in the post-Godhra riots in February-march 2002 when the VHP and Bajrang Dal cadres unleashed a wave of terror in the state. Modi later freed himself from the Togadia stranglehold. He brought Amit Shah in place of Gordhan Zadaphia as Minister of State for Home.

Modi would ensure that he was not directly connected with any criminal activity. As Ashok Narayan, who was Home Secretary at the time of the riots, told Rana, Modi would never say ‘go slow’ on controlling the riots. He would also never write anything on paper. He had his people and through them the VHP and then through them it would trickle down through informal channels to the lower rung police inspectors.

Amit Shah, for that matter, was less circumspect. That could be the reason that he got arrested for ordering fake encounters.

In the eight months that it took Rana Ayyub to complete her task, something had changed in Tehelka and it refused to publish her story. Hence this book.

Madhya Pradesh minister of home and jails Babulal Gaur belongs to the rare breed of politicians. He contested his first Assembly election in 1974 as an independent supported by the parties which later formed Janata Party to dislodge Indira Gandhi and the Congress from power at the Centre and in several States. Gaur revealed at a public function a few years ago that he had won that election mainly because of the help from Congress leader Arjun Singh. As a Minister in the BJP government of Sunderlal Patwa in the early 90s, Gaur had displaced thousands of Muslim families from old Bhopal and dumped them at inhospitable terrains near Gandhinagar outside the city. He was in the forefront of the welcoming party when the Kar Sevaks returned from Ayodhya after demolishing Babri Masjid that resulted in communal riots in several part of the country, Bhopal being one of the worst-hit with 192 recorded killings. Still Gaur continues to be more popular among Muslims than any other BJP leader and more popular than most of the State Congress leaders also.

Patwa hated his guts but had to induct him into his cabinet at the insistence of (then BJP president) Lal Krishna Advani. When Uma Bharti was declared BJP’s chief ministerial candidate and had her absolute say in selection of candidates, she had convinced almost the entire party leadership that Gaur would better serve the party in Lok Sabha than in the Assembly. She had even selected Lok Sabha constituency for him – Bhopal. It was Atal Behari Vajpayee at the Central Election Committee who vetoed it down and said that Gaur, being a senior leader, should be allowed to contest for the Assembly if he so desired. Then, Uma Bharti trusted only Gaur to hold the chief minister’s post when she was made to resign in the wake of the non-bailable warrant against her from the Hubli court. Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s manoeuvrings have failed to keep Gaur out of his cabinet.

Gaur is not a stickler to the RSS/BJP code in the matter of his food habits. Still, the hard-core puritan like Kushabhau Thakre had tremendous affection for him. A retired executive of a private sector industrial unit tells me that in the 1980s he was assigned by his boss the task of giving ‘donations’ to important leaders towards their election expenses. When he reached Gaur with Rs 60,000 (earmarked for him), the BJP leader consulted a register where he had apparently noted down the amounts he was hoping to collect from companies and individuals and told the executive that he had counted on Rs 3,000 from his company. He refused to accept more, the retired executive said.

Gaur has had, by and large, a clean public life. The only black spot was the blatant manipulation to which he resorted, with the help of then State Election Commissioner A V Singh, to get his widowed and apolitical daughter-in-law Krishna Gaur elected as Mayor of Bhopal in 2009. A V Singh, who belonged to the IAS, never disturbed his conscience when it came to going against the rules and propriety to keep himself on the right side of the powers that be. Defeated Congress candidate Abha Singh’s supporters had alleged that then PCC president Suresh Pachauri had also betrayed the party.

Gaur occasionally displays a sense of humour which is not common among BJP leaders. One day he invited some journalists for dinner. He called me up to remind me. I said that I had no option but to obey his command because, being the home minister, he would otherwise send a police party to pick me up. Gaur was silent for a few seconds, then said quietly: ‘Yes. You know I am minister of jails also’.

Today (July 26) is the Vijay Divas!

It was the sheer audacity of the BJP-led NDA government to turn its ignominious incompetence in Kargil into an achievement and celebrate it as a victory.

Jammu and Kashmir is virtually under the control of the army and the BSF. All the intelligence agencies, the RAW, the IB, the Military Intelligence and the BSF Intelligence (in addition to the agencies of the State government) are active there. These were controlled by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, Defence Minister George Fernandes and Home Minister Lal Krishna Advani. On the top of all these, there was the National Security Council, which was directly under Vajpayee. Still, the Pakistanis were able to penetrate deep into Jammu and Kashmir, build concrete bunkers, store arms and ammunition and open up supply lines.

Eventually when it came to be known, from a shepherd through a local newspaper, the Vajpayee government sacrificed hundreds of the finest officers and jawans of the country and the ammunition worth hundreds of crores of rupees to cover up the combined failure of the PMO, the NSA, the Defence Ministry and the Home Ministry and called it the nation’s “Vijay” (victory). The gullible people of the county swallowed it. The Opposition, led by Quattrocchi-obsessed Sonia Gandhi, remained moribund (or was compromised). The culprits of the Kargil disaster still continue to celebrate the “Vijay Divas” (victory day).

Still worse, the Pakistani terrorists continued to occupy about 100 square kilometres of Indian territory, 35 km inside the Line of Control around Hilkaka in Jammu and Kashmir, while Vajpayee, Advani and Fernandes remained unaware of it.

Many, not necessarily supporters of Lal Krishna Advani or the BJP, now feel that the octogenarian leader should be made Prime Minister on compassionate grounds, may be for a year or even a few months. That is, of course, if the BJP-led alliance comes to power in the next elections. The RSS worker, who travelled all the way from Sind in Pakistan to Indore in a tender age to grow into a top Jana Sangh/BJP leader, has waited too, pathetically too, long to fulfil this ambition and has tried all possible devices but was always betrayed either by his own party men or the alliance partners and most often by the voters.

Now as he was seeing his life’s ambition nearing fulfilment, suddenly Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi has emerged to spoil his game. In spite of his corporate money-helped control over the media, Modi, though, may not find smooth his acceptance by the party as a whole. He has a formidable challenger in Sushma Swaraj, leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha.  The Gulfnews had reported some time back that Swaraj “is already being seen within the party as someone who can become Prime Minister”. That was, of course, before Modi’s media blitzkrieg.

During its years in power at the Centre, the BJP, or at least a large section of its leadership, had seen the futility of remaining rigid on certain sensitive issues. Advani, in particular, had realised at a particular stage that he would have to shed his hard Hindutva protagonist image if he wanted to fulfil his long-cherished ambition of becoming Prime Minister of the country. He went to pay his obeisance at the grave of the founder of Pakistan. This was rather a clumsy way of projecting himself as a liberal politician and seemed to have done him more harm, politically, than good. But ambition blinds even a wise man.

The Godhra massacre may continue to haunt Modi as he tries to step out of Gujarat on a wider canvas. In contrast, say some Sushma Swaraj loyalists, the name of Swaraj has never been tainted by fanaticism; though she sometimes loses control on her tongue (that happens when the sugar level goes up in her blood stream as she is an acute diabetic). During the brief period of her chief ministership of Delhi, she had not allowed fanaticism to enter into her, otherwise lack-lustre, working, they claim.

Swaraj scores over Modi in respect of experience also. She started her political career as a Janata Party member of the Haryana Assembly and had become the youngest member of Devi Lal’s cabinet with the portfolio of Labour and Employment. She opted for the BJP when the party was formed in 1980 following the split in the Janata Party. She became in the late eighties the minister of education, food and civil supplies in the Lok Dal-BJP government of Haryana led by Devi Lal.

She had been elected to Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha and had held portfolios of Information and Broadcasting and Telecommunications in the Vajpayee government at the Centre. Her name was in the reckoning for the post of national president of the BJP when Advani resigned in 2005; ultimately Rajnath Singh was elected.

The Advani group is said to be tacitly supporting Sushma Swaraj as the next Prime Minister in the event of the BJP-led alliance coming to power. Being a woman and a mother, Sushma Swaraj is known for being a kind-hearted woman and will not hesitate to relinquish the chair of Prime Minister for Advani for a few months purely on compassionate grounds and concentrate on her gold and diamond collection. Modi is much too hard-hearted to feel compassion for old age.


May 2024
M T W T F S S
 12345
6789101112
13141516171819
20212223242526
2728293031  

Blog Stats

  • 202,165 hits