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Posts Tagged ‘Anil Dave

At least in the case of Madhya Pradesh, Nitin Gadkari’s star-studded team does not reflect the dynamism the BJP president had promised to inject into the organisation at the Indore conclave of the party’s national council. The new executive does not even give representation to all the regions of the State.
The only striking feature of Gadkari’s exercise is his subtle attempt to put a check on the chief minister’s influence, which was unhindered so far. That the State BJP president, Narendra Singh Tomar, was going to be made general secretary at the national level was in the air for quite some time. But Gadkari has somewhat diminished Tomar’s stature by re-inducting Thavarchand Gehlot as another general secretary. Madhya Pradesh is thus the only State to have two general secretaries of the BJP at the national level. To add to Shivraj Singh Chauhan’s discomfiture, Gehlot has been made a member of the Parliamentary Board, the party’s highest decision-making body.
Tomar, a staunch pro-Thakur leader in the BJP, is virtually Chauhan’s alter ego; the two have been together in all major operations, not necessarily aimed at helping the lot of the poor and the deprived classes. Gehlot is a Dalit leader who could never aspire to be admitted to the chief minister’s inner circle. Chauhan’s administration has been anything but pro-Dalit or pro-tribal, the chief minister’s loud screeds to the contrary notwithstanding. The dalits and the tribals, who had reposed faith in the BJP and helped it to drive out the Congress government of Digvijay Singh in 2003, have gradually been getting disenchanted with the BJP.
In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP had won in all the four Scheduled Caste constituencies and in four of the five Scheduled Tribes constituencies — and had left only four seats for the Congress out of a total of 29 in the State. In 2009, the BJP could retain only two of the four SC constituencies and only two of the six ST constituencies (increased from five to six during the delimitation). The Congress had increased its overall tally from four to 12, in spite of the party being in utter disarray.
Gehlot was among the defeated SC candidates of the BJP. Satyanarayan Jatiya, another defeated SC leader has been included among the permanent invitees. Nirmala Bhuria, daughter of Dilip Singh Bhuria (a former MP as well as a former chairman of the SC/ST Commission), has been made a member of the party’s national executive. She had lost the Assembly election from Petlawad (ST) in Jhabua district in 2008. She owes her politics more to her father’s standing than to her own “grassroots” level work (at which Gadkari had repeatedly harped at the Indore conclave).
With all that, the representation of Madhya Pradesh in the national executive is heavily, almost entirely, tilted towards the Madhya Bharat region. Tomar, Gehlot, Sushma Swaraj (MP from Vidisha, though she belongs to Haryana), Sumitra Mahajan, Kaptan Singh Solanki, Chaitanya Kashyap, Tanveer Ahmed (a minorities leader from Ujjain), Satyanarayan Jatiya, Maya Singh, the three former chief ministers (Kailash Joshi, Sunderlal Patwa and Babulal Gaur) along with chief minister Chauhan are all from the Madhya Bharat region. The sole representative of the Mahakoshal region is Faggan Singh Kulaste, a tribal leader of Mandla, who had lost the last Lok Sabha election. The Bundelkhand region also has only a nominal presence in Virendra Kumar Khatik, an SC member of Lok Sabha. The Vindhya region stands altogether ignored.
Now all eyes are on who takes the place of Narendra Singh Tomar as the State BJP president. Two are in the forefront, going by the media reports. Prabhat Jha is lobbying hard. Originally hailing from Bihar, he worked at the BJP office in Bhopal when Patwa was the chief minister, more as Patwa’s spy than the spokesman of the party. He was taken to Delhi to look after the party’s publications when the things in Bhopal became hot for him after the Patwa-Lakhiram Agrawal hegemony over the organisation came to an end. In Delhi he ingratiated himself with Lal Krishna Advani who got him into Rajya Sabha from Madhya Pradesh. He was also made a secretary of the BJP. Gadkari has not re-inducted him, giving rise to the speculation in the media in Bhopal (where he has many friends) that it has been done to make him the State party president.
Another strong contender for the post is Anil Madhav Dave, also member of Rajya Sabha. Chauhan’s government had been a bit too much liberal in doling out the public money for his Janabhiyan Parishad, an NGO, and for his Narmada Parikramas. The government had almost allotted to him hundreds of acres of fertile land on the bank of the river Narmada, which the government had fraudulently acquired from the unsuspecting farmers. The game was scuttled by Akhand Pratap Singh, then a minister in the Chauhan government, by creating a big ruckus at the cabinet meeting which was to formally allot the land to Dave.

AICC general secretary Rahul Gandhi’s two-day visit to Madhya Pradesh has at best served as an exercise in self-aggrandisement. If the aim was to rejuvenate the Congress organisation or its wings, like the Indian Youth Congress (IYC) or National Students Union of India (NSUI), there is no evidence to suggest that the purpose has been achieved.
The visit has, rather, generated a controversy which is neither in the interest of the Congress organisation nor of Rahul Gandhi himself. The Madhya Pradesh government has sought an explanation from the authorities of the Devi Ahilya Vishwavidyalaya (Indore University) as to how a leader of the Congress party was invited to have interaction with the students and faculty members.
The Indore University vice-chancellor, Dr Ajit Singh Sehrawat, has come up with a facetious explanation that Rahul Gandhi was invited as a “youth icon”. A chartered accountant of Haryana, Sehrawat was appointed vice-chancellor of the Indore University by Dr Balram Jakhar, then Governor of Madhya Pradesh and Chancellor of the State’s universities.
Equally amusing is the explanation of the Congress leaders that Rahul Gandhi was invited to the Indore University and other educational institutions in Gwalior, Jabalpur and Bhopal not as the leader of a political party but as a Member of Parliament.
It prompted BJP leader Anil Madhav Dave to retort that he (Dave) is also a Member of Parliament and, as such, will like to be invited for interaction to various institutions including Laxmibai National Institute of Physical Education, Gwalior, Dr Harisingh Gour University, Sagar and Maulana Azad National Institute of Technology, Bhopal — these three are under the Union Ministry of Human Resource Development.
Rahul Gandhi’s visit to Madhya Pradesh clearly had a political agenda. It was for revitalising the NSUI and the Youth Congress. Gandhi had stated that his tour was funded by the Congress party. But he seemed to be spending all his time with the educated elite. The NSUI, which had ostensively organised his Madhya Pradesh tour, or the Youth Congress hardly figured in his itinerary.
Congress disunity
He, though, did visit the PCC office in Bhopal, where he had an “interaction” with Congress activists handpicked by PCC chief Suresh Pachauri. Many old party loyalists had come from far away places to have a word with the AICC general secretary but they could not get through the SPG-Suresh Pachauri cordon. He virtually snubbed Pachauri by asking him to accept that defeat is defeat, whether by a big margin or a small margin and that the Congress had suffered defeat because of the disunity in the organisation. It was when Pachauri had tried to enumerate the “achievements” of the Congress in the past couple of years.
Madhya Pradesh is one of the worst administered States. The law and order situation is continuing to deteriorate. The atrocities on the dalits and the adivasis are steadily on the increase. The State government is not able to utilise the Central funds, chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan’s clamours for more Central assistance notwithstanding. Even the funds that are utilised are not necessarily used for the purpose for which these are meant. Corruption is rampant. Chauhan has emerged as the saviour of the corrupt and the dissolute. (Recently an IAS officer, part of Chauhan’s inner coterie, was beaten up by the fellow passengers for indulging in raunchy activities with his girlfriend in an AC coach of the Bhopal Express).
The National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS), the Centre’s most prestigious pro-poor programme, is marred by massive corruption. Complaints, by scores, are made to the Central government. C.P.Joshi, the minister concerned, forwards these complaints to Shivraj Singh Chauhan. Does Joshi expect Chauhan to act against his protégés? There were rumours — and there can only be rumours in such cases — that a major part of Lal Krishna Advani’s Rs 250-crore media campaign during the Lok Sabha elections was financed by Chauhan out of the Central funds allocated to the State for welfare schemes.
The people’s disenchantment with the BJP regime was evident during the Assembly, Lok Sabha and municipal elections. The people voted against the BJP at a large number of places in spite of the hamstrung Congress organisation. Pachauri has never been a mass leader and does not want any other leader with a mass base around him.
Rahul Gandhi is apparently aware of the weaknesses of the Congress organisation. The Youth Congress and the NSUI have only nominal presence in Madhya Pradesh. Once Mahila Congress was quite active in the State but one hardly hears about it these days. Rahul Gandhi’s interactions with the educated elite may or may not enhance his self-importance but it is not helping the Congress party, or any of its front organisations. Rahul lacks the spontaneity of his father who, particularly in the later years, had really become a darling of the masses. Rahul’s grandmother, too, always relished meeting as many party workers as possible during her visits to various places. The target audience of both, Rajiv Gandhi and Indira Gandhi, was the people at large. Rahul Gandhi’s regimented interactions are not likely to catapult him into a mass leader.


May 2024
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